drwex: (Default)
tl;dr Masterpiece Cakeshop is somewhat bad, but not a disaster. Essentially, SCOTUS dodged the bullet. There's also an important silver lining here.

As soon as I saw that the ruling came down 7-2 I knew they'd dodged. The Court is divided and one of Roberts' consistent tactics to get more consensus is to narrow the scope of rulings to things a larger majority can agree on. I'm certain that if this had been framed as a gay rights or free speech issue, it would have come out 5-4 or maybe even 3-2-2-2 with nobody able to get a majority.

Headlines - at least from the non-rightwing/non-religious media - have consistently used the word "narrow" which is great headline fodder but doesn't tell you a lot. I will say that I haven't read the full opinions yet, but the summary and knowledgeable commentary is in agreement. See for example http://www.scotusblog.com/2018/06/opinion-analysis-court-rules-narrowly-for-baker-in-same-sex-wedding-cake-case/#more-270956 - SCOTUSblog is absolutely the best source for most things about the Supreme Court.

The Court majority held that the Colorado administrative agency did not treat the baker (Phillips) fairly. It stated that commissioners' statements showed that they were hostile to Phillips and to his religious beliefs. Given that evidence, it's easy to argue that he did not get a fair hearing; the ruling compels the public agency to rule on this matter in a way that is neutral with respect to religion.

That in itself is actually not a bad thing. Generally, we'd like public agencies to make rulings in a religion-neutral fashion. The ruling does NOT say that religious beliefs overpower equal accommodation laws and most importantly it is completely silent on the First Amendment issues. Those issues were raised later in an attempt to strengthen the appeal and I'm glad the Court didn't rule on them. There's a lot of nasty detail in that swamp.

The ruling also seems to make clear that the Court doesn't want to weigh in on whether religious exemptions beat public accommodations. I suspect the case will end up back at SCOTUS on those grounds and I'm not optimistic. Ever since the Court tossed out RFRA (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Religious_Freedom_Restoration_Act) they've been walking that back. Hobby Lobby being the most egregious example, but there are others. Probably the worst part of this is that the ruling is going to embolden state-level challenges. As I remarked on Twitter, we dodged a huge bullet when SCOTUS not only overturned the national DOMA, it invalidated all the state-level DOMA-alikes. There are many state-level RFRA laws now and it's going to be an ugly slog to overcome them.

So where's the silver lining? It's in the fact that Kennedy's analysis relies on the speech of the Colorado commissioners. If a public official expresses hostility toward a group, that verbal animus can - SCOTUS has now reminded us - be used as evidence that the group is not receiving fair treatment. There are still cases regarding government policy such as the travel ban where plaintiffs are arguing that DJT's statements are relevant. And so long as DJT continues to blow his verbal wad all over the Internets, it's open season for smart lawyers.
drwex: (WWFD)
Some of you know I read Supreme Court decisions for fun now and then. I haven't yet had time to read the 5-3 decision in Fernandez v. California, but I've read the summaries. This case has expanded police powers in ways that I think are potentially dangerous.

The case involves a situation where two people were present in a home. The police asked for permission to enter; one of the two people said yes but the other objected. Supreme Court precedent from 2006 said that in such cases the police needed to secure a warrant before searching. However, in this case they did something different: they arrested the man, and an hour later they returned and re-asked the woman who again consented to the search.

Today's ruling says that a person who is arrested and taken away is the same as someone who is absent and therefore cannot legally object to the search. His prior objection was rendered null by his arrest (or so the majority claims). I think that's a big problem.

To begin with, it gives police tremendous incentive to arrest people who are non-consenting. Even if they don't file any charges, all they need to do is lay an accusation, bundle you into a patrol car and presto they've removed your objection to a search. Why bother with that pesky warrant procedure when all it takes is a few minutes to get someone out of the way? (If you think you can't be arrested for standing on your front step telling police "No, I do not consent to a search of my home" boy do YOU not understand how the system works.)

I said this case was "hard" in part because the facts show the defendant in a bad light. He was arrested for a robbery - the police had been in pursuit when he entered the home - and when they knocked the other occupant was a woman who showed visible signs of physical abuse. The police seem quite justified in removing him. But given that an hour had passed, why couldn't they go before a magistrate judge and get a warrant?

I find it significant that the three objecting SCOTUS judges were the women on the Court. You might expect them to side naturally with the battered woman in this case, who did give consent to the search. I'll be interested to see what Ginsburg wrote in her dissent.

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